Aug 16, 2012

Exile is Not the Answer to Statelessness!

A year ago, many Bedoon activists wouldn’t have been able to answer questions about the status of their counterparts in the United Arab Emirates due to a media blackout that the country was able to maintain until this year when they decided to send Bedoon activist Ahmed Abdul-Khaleq into exile. The Bedoon in the UAE number at least 100,000. Many of them are children of citizen mothers who are not allowed to pass citizenship to their children or spouses. Abdul-Khaleq was one of the five arrested last year for demanding reforms and democratic changes in the country. Since his release, the government has been planning to get rid of him as he calls on other Bedoon to speak up for their rights.

* Continue reading this post in Al-Akhbar's "The Subaltern." 

Aug 3, 2012

Saudi Women and the Need to be Political

Since the 1990s, Saudi women have been demanding the right to drive cars, travel alone, and abolish the male guardianship system. The struggle was limited to certain women from less conservative communities. After the Arab Spring, with the driving campaign, Saudi women were able to make their demands heard through a larger number of people involved and with the help of media exposure; western and Arab. It was believed that they were leading what can be called a ‘Saudi spring’.
Right after the Egyptian uprising, Saudi women worked online under the name ‘Saudi Women Revolution’ and although they started with bigger demands that sought radical changes to their status, gradually, the mild voices among them were able to dominate because they were less controversial and ‘more reasonable’, as some claim. Women were arrested and this was the easiest way to create leaders that exclusively were able to define the movement and its direction. A good example of that is Manal Al Sharif.
What has the movement achieved so far? Nothing when it comes to legislation, but a lot when it comes to having more women getting involved and speaking up. King Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz promised that in the coming municipal elections (that have no set date) women would be able to contest and vote. The decision did not state whether those who wished to run for election needed permission from their male guardians.

* Continue reading this column in Gulf News

عن نعيم أبو سبعة الذي بعبص التنين

تفتح الرواية، تبدأ بخطاب حب للسيد الرئيس حسني مبارك، ثم تقرأ 8 صفحات عن رجل اسمه نعيم. الصفحات الأولى تأتي مسرحية أو وصفية (يقول الراوي بأن اللغة العربية لغة وصف وليست لغة أفكار)، تشعر بالارتباك، هل تتورط في قراءة رواية لا تعرف طريقها بين السرد والمسرح؟ هل اضطر الروائي لخلق مفارقة فنتازية في شخصية البطل في الفصل الأول الذي أسماه "نفق"؟ كل هذه مجرد تساؤلات شرعية لقارئ يريد أن يضع خطة أولية لقصة نعيم أبو سبعة- تساؤلاتي أنا، إلا أنها اختفت مع الفصل الثاني.
في الحكي، لن يكون نعيم أكثر من رجل في دولة دكتاتورية يحاول التحايل على الدولة. في الحالة العامة، الصفحات الأولى تضع جملة تتكرر بصياغات مختلفة من حين إلى آخر طوال الرواية "هذا ما كان نعيم يخشاه، بعبصوه بعدما كتب كتابه على عطيات، بعبصوه وهو حي عدة مرات، بعبصوه بأشياء غير الأصابع، ويبيعبصونه اليوم وهو ميت". الرواية ليس لها ثيمة واحدة، هي عن الشخصية المصرية، عن البعابيص المصرية، عن البيروقراطية المصرية الشامخة، عن فنتازيا الفساد المصري الذي يغلب أي مخيلة، عن "الدولة العميقة"، وهي قبل كل شيء دليل قد يكون عنوانه "كيف تصبح ديكتاتوراً في 276 صفحة؟".
بعد فصلين قصيرين من الرواية، يعود الرجل المجهول لكتابة خطاباته لرجل الدولة "صلاح". كل الخطابات غير موقعة و"صلاح" غير معّرف. يبدأ كاتب الرسالة بتعريف القائد، صورة القائد، كيف أن القائد ينتهي إذا احتلت رأسه الصلعة. طوال الرواية، يتنقل في الأمثلة والمقارنات بين عبدالناصر والسادات ومبارك، مرات قليلة عن محمد علي. بشكل سريع، تبدأ الرسالة الثانية إلى صلاح بشرح مبسط لعهدي السادات وعبدالناصر، ومن ثم تسهب في الحديث عن مبارك وشعاره الأول والأخير "الاستقرار".
صاحب الرواية محمد ربيع كان قد قال بأنه بدأ العمل على روايته قبل سقوط مبارك، توقف عن العمل لستة أشهر بعد الثورة معتقداً أن لا معنى لنصه، ومن ثم عاد لاستكمال الكتابة. لا أعلم ما الذي كان يدور في عقل ربيع، إلا أنني فسرت الستة أشهر باعتبارها تلك الفترة التي اعتقد فيها المصري بأن مبارك وأطيافه قد رحلوا. قد يكون الروائي احتاج لستة أشهر ليستمع لاسطوانة "الاستقرار" مرة أخرى، ليرى "صلاح" في الوجوه القديمة- الجديدة: الدولة العميقة كتبت لنعيم أبو سبعة الحياة مرة أخرى!
يعمد الروائي على رسم خطين في الرواية، هنالك نعيم أبو سبعة زوج عطيات وأبو وليد والبنتين الذي يحاول تلفيق موته ومحاربة البيروقراطية المصرية للحصول على بوليصة التأمين. شخصية خلابة يطعمها الروائي بغرائبية من حين إلى آخر حتى لا تموت. أما الخط الثاني فيعتمد كلياً على المخاطبات المكتوبة لـ "صلاح" والتي تشرح لنا السياق السياسي والزمني للحكاية. بشكل طبيعي، يجد القارئ مواطناً مسحوقاً وآخر يعمل من أجل الدكتاتور.
فصل "دعارة" الذي لم يتجاوز عدة صفحات كان مبهراً، قصة سريعة عن انتشار الدعارة في مصر محمد علي، كيف أن مصر كانت (ومازالت) تعيش من أجل شيء واحد وهو "الجيش" ولذلك كان هنالك جيش من العاهرات. يترك الروائي الرجل الفتوة يكبر، يتركه ليصبح أباً للجميع، أسطورة شعب بلا أب، تتكرر وتتشابه الأسماء، يكون هو نقطة نهاية وبداية. حكاية نعيم في الفصول الأولى لم تكن مشبعة، تفاصيل جديدة متتالية يحتاج القارئ أن يتآلف معها، يكون فيها، ولذلك تنجح الخطابات الموجهة لصلاح في جذبك وجعلك تنتظر المزيد منها: تفكيك الديكتاتورية وشعور القارئ الديمقراطي بالرضا عن نفسه، بالذكاء، إيماناً منه بأن خًدع الدولة لم تنتصر عليه.
الأهم في تلك الخطابات أنها تبدأ قوية، تقول لمبارك (والرواية لا تشير إلى ثورة يناير) أن يتفادى الأخطاء الغبية: الوضوح، المباشرة، الإدعاء، بينما كل ما يحتاجه أن يبقى غامضاً وأن يضحم أعدائه ويتركهم بلا ملامح في مخيلة المصري. الخطابات تصبح أحياناً مكاناً لتفريغ النقد الاجتماعي: كيف يهرب المصري من مواجهة الدولة.. كيف يبحث بشغف عن أفخاخ السلطة ليقع فيها ويغمض عينيه مرتاحاً. الخطابات تؤكد بأن "لكل مواطن مصري ملف يحوي معلومات عنه، موجود في مكان ما في مصر" وبأن "الخوف يا عزيزي هو الحل".
بعد ثلث الرواية، يكتب ربيع فصلاً بعنوان "معرّص" يسرد فيه أصل هذه الكلمة المصرية الشهيرة، كيف كانت تعني "التشييد والبناء" وكيف تحولت منذ العصر الفاطمي لتصف اثنين هما "القواد ومؤيد الحكام". في الفيديو التالي، يقرأ محمد من روايته معنى كلمة "معرص":  

بعدها مباشرة، يأتي خطاباً قوياً، هذه المرة عن المثقفين. باختصار شديد، عن المثقفين الذين عرف السادات تهمشيهم وجعل المصري ينظر لهم باحتقار. تلك الصورة النمطية التي نشاهدها في أفلام عادل إمام. السادات استغل طريقتين لإقصاء المثقف المصري: حب المصري للسخرية ورغبة المصري في عدم الشعور بتفوق الآخر عليه. "التريقة" الساداتية قتلت النخبة، النخبة التي كان بإمكانها أن تنقذ القليل، إلا أن الرغبة العامة بسقوط الهرمية الاجتماعية كانت الغالب. الروائي، بطبيعة الحال، لا يترك مصطلح المثقف فضفاضاً بل يشرحه ويمر سريعاً بقضية الرقابة التي لطالما سرقت المثقف من همه الأكبر: الصراع المباشر ضد الديكتاتورية. كان جديداً بالنسبة لي أن أرى نصاً يتطرق لقضية المثقف من هذه الزاوية خاصة وأن الحالة المسيطرة لا تملك سوى النقد والتهكم للمثقفين باعتبارهم سلبيين ومنفصلين عن الواقع.
بعد ذلك، لا يبذل كاتب الخطابات المزيد من الجهد، يستسلم لحالة العبودية السائدة، يشير لكلمة "العيش" والتي تعني الخبز باللهجة المصرية.. يتعجب "تخيل يا صلاح، أن يقرن الشعب أحد أصناف الطعام بالحياة ذاتها.. شعب كسول كهذا لن يختار الديمقراطية" ويضيف "رغيف الخبز هو مفتاح حكم المصريين.. فكرة الفرعون المعبود يجب أن تظل حاضرة في أذهان المصريين إلى الأبد".
بعد منتصف الرواية، يتغير الكثير. يدخل القارئ في شخصية نعيم أكثر، بعالمه الغرائبي، بحياته المسحوقة التي لا تثير تعاطفك، بتنقلاته المختلفة، بالخط الفاصل المبهم بين الواقع والخيال.. بعدها لا تريد أن تقرأ المزيد من الخطابات. تصبح مباشرة، مكررة، تخطفك مراراً إلى حوار سياسي مللته خاصة حينما يقوم الروائي (لأسباب تتضح في النهاية) بالتطرق لمحمد حسنين هيكل وفكرة الكاتب- الكاتب الشريك في السلطة وسحر الألفين كلمة! الخطابات تصبح متعبة فيما عدا الخطاب الذي يتحدث عن إضراب المحلة وقد يكون تفضيلي الشخصي لهذا الخطاب يعود لمعايشة جيلنا لتلك الأحداث التي أسميناها بلا تردد "ثورة". 
 

 تدريجياً، قصص نعيم تقل وتستبدل بأفكاره وهواجسه.. النهايات شارفت.. المزيد من الخطابات تُكتب.. شعرت باستفزاز. أردت أن لا تذهب القصة بذلك الاتجاه، أردت أن لا تكبر الخطابات عن كونها مجرد إطار تعريفي، أردت لنعيم أي يبقى "كبيرنا الذي علمنا السحر" وأردت فوق كل شيء أن لا أرى مبارك مباشرة، فهو في كل شيء ولا أحتاجه. الروائي أراد أن يصعد بسخطه من الشخصية المصرية وعبادتها للدكتاتور. التصاعد كان متعباً وسريعاً بالنسبة لي. لم يكن مهماً مبارك، لم يكن مهماً أن تظهر الحقيقة "كوضوح الشمس" كان يهمني حقاً أن أرى تجليات نعيم في ميتاته وحيواته. الفكرة السياسية لدى الروائي انتصرت على الفكرة السردية: الروائي غاضب، الروائي شعر بأنه عليه أن يقول للمصري بأن الصنم لم يسقط بعد الثورة، الروائي لم يستطع أن يراهن أكثر على نعيم. في الحقيقة، الروائي استخدم صورته كصورة لنعيم. الروائي قتل ذاته في النهاية.

Apr 23, 2012

In response to Mona Eltahawy’s hate argument

Mona Eltahawy’s article “Why do they hate us?,” published in Foreign Policy Magazine’s special issue on women, has a catchy title.  When I first saw it, I honestly thought it was referring to the Egyptian military’s violations of women’s rights by performing “virginity tests” — especially as the military’s aim seemed to be to exclude women from taking part in political life by brutalizing them and showing them as fragile and vulnerable.

Continue reading at Al Monitor

Mar 11, 2012

Kuwait: Art Exhibition Shut Down for “Controversial” Content


Kuwaiti artist Shurooq Amin is in shock after her exhibition of paintings was shut down without an explanation. Reports say that men walked into the show, three hours after its opening, and took the paintings down, saying they had received a complaint over the content of the paintings. 

Keep reading this post in GlobalVoices

Jan 7, 2012

Statslöshet i Kuwait

Att vara statslös innebär att man saknar alla medborgerliga rättigheter, som personliga dokument, utbildning, arbete och tillgång till sjukvård. Den som vill bli medborgare i Kuwait måste ha registrerat sig i 1965 års folkräkning, annars betraktas de av regeringen som illegala bofasta. I dag finns det omkring 100 000 statslösa i Kuwait. Journalisten Mona Kareem som själv är statslös, förklarar det kontroversiella i ett problem som sällan diskuteras i internationella medier.

Jan 3, 2012

10 Years Anniversary: My First Poetry Collection

10 years passed since my first poetry collection was published in Kuwait. Thanks to Coco_Controverse who took these two shots of the book yesterday.



Dec 22, 2011

Are bloggers journalists?


Here's my talk with Al-Jazeera English show "The Stream", in case you missed it.



Dec 16, 2011

Arrests and Trials of Kuwait’s Stateless Protesters

Kuwaiti riot police use water cannons to disperse stateless protesters (AFP, Yasser al-Zayyat).

There are at least 120,000 Bidun jinsiyya (without nationality) in Kuwait today suffering from the lack of human rights. They cannot legally obtain birth, death, marriage or divorce certificates. The same applies to driving licenses, identification cards, and passports. They do not have access to public education, health care, housing or employment. And while they face some of the state’s harshest discrimination policies, they have no recourse to the law and its courts. Simply stated, the Bidun, who are equal to about 10% of the Kuwaiti population, do not exist. They have been dehumanized and rendered invisible by government policies coupled with pervasive social stigmatization.
Last February and March, Hundreds of the stateless community in Kuwait protested demanding their rights of documentation, education, health care, employment, and naturalization. The protests were brutally dispersed by riot police and tens of young men were arrested for a week or so. Riot Police used water cannons, teargas, smoke bombs, and concussion grenades to disperse the protesters. According to Human Rights Watch, over 30 people were injured and 120 were detained by state security in the first day of Bidun protests.
On the 12th of December, the stateless attempted to protest again to state their demands and to show support for those who were going on trials for protesting. Around 31 men were in court for ‘illegal protesting’ and were released as the judge decided to adjourn the case to the 23rd of January. Kuwaiti and stateless activists showed up to the court hearing to show support as the interior ministry refused to give permissions for any sit-ins. Kuwait Human Rights Association issued a statement condemning the trials and stating that the Kuwait constitution grants the rights to peaceful protesting and thus none should be prosecuted. Parliament members did not have a say in this and the only political bloc to have issued a statement in solidarity was the leftist Taqadomi movement. According to their lawyer Mousaed Al-Shammari, the 31 men might get 3 to 5 years jail sentences.
On the 14th, three other stateless men faced another trial for illegal protesting: Abdulhakim Al-Fadhli, Tariq Al-Otaibi, and Ridha Al-Fadhli. On Sunday the 18th, other 45 stateless men will face another trial and this time charged with violence against police men. The charges in the first two trials were submitted by the public prosecution, but in the coming trial, charges were submitted by the state security police. According to Kuwait Human Rights Association’s spokesman Taher Al-Baghli, state police did not charge the stateless for ‘illegal protesting’ only because such a charge will most probably be dismissed by the higher court.
Since the first trial started, the stateless community had several attempts to protest again. Activists tried to get permissions to protest in Erada square, in front of the parliament, where protests took place in the past two months against former prime minister Nasser Al-Mohammed which led to his resignation. The interior ministry refused to give such permission which made some of the stateless protest in their poorly-conditioned areas. The number was not large and protesters left in response to calls from some activists to avoid clashes.
This Friday, as reported by activists, tweeps, and news agencies, riot police used violence against stateless protesters and more than 20 men were arrested, among them two journalists who were later released (Fahad Al-Mayah and Hamad Al-Sharhan). According to a report by AFP: “Kuwaiti riot police used tear gas and water cannons on Friday to scatter hundreds of stateless protesters demanding citizenship. The police sought to break up a crowd of 400 people gathered after noon prayers in Jahra, raising Kuwaiti flags and banners that read: We demand Kuwaiti citizenship.” Stateless activist Mousaed Al-Shammari was reportedly arrested as he was trying to convince protesters to leave. Some wrote that he is now on hunger strike protesting his detention. According to a report by Reuters, there were also minors beaten and arrested in Friday protest. 

* Published in MidEast Youth

Dec 12, 2011

Undocumented and Afraid


They took them in, shackled their brown hands, threaded out their thick hair, and told them “We will now turn you into soldiers, fighting against hope, warring against life. You have two choices: death or death.” They stared at the hours, then removed their eyes, hanging each upon its nail. Then they waited and waited for the funeral of memory to start. They set the light on fire and recited myths, fairytales, and stories about their fathers, their stupid fathers, who were once heroes and are now nothing but cowards.
Why did you leave us in this trap without any poems? Why did you color the sky yellow? Why did you give us stars to hang our hearts on? We did not do anything, we only wanted to sing. We have read the Quran, the New Testament, and the Old Testament. We read every verse and we pretended to be religious enough to read, and to know if hope was a sin, and it wasn’t.
In this trap, we recreated time and turned every thousand hours into another day, another attempt to save our youth from the wasteland. On the broken stairs of time we walked and we asked God, “Why didn’t you let us choose our pain—for the pain of waiting is the ugliest kind of heaven. Allow us to choose our own pain for once. If we were permitted to make choices we might begin to think.  And then we might believe, for a second, that we are human.”
“Undocumented and unafraid.” That is what a Hispanic girl wrote on her shirt as an American policeman shackled her hands. I said, “I am undocumented and afraid. And fear is genetic, even if scientists have not yet discovered that fact.” I let my memory sail me off to the shore of my childhood and I remembered that I had books, a soccer ball, and an old lady asking me, “Where are you from?” I paused and said, “I am from Bidun.” She laughed “There’s no such place. No country is Bidun.”
I removed my small feet and drew a flag, a jersey, and a national anthem. Then I waited and hoped, like all my people. I waited and hoped that she would reappear so that I might show her my country. The woman died and I grew up. I killed my imagination even as I continued to practice the sins of hope and waiting. Here, a kid puts his nail in the sand and tries to build a home, but it rained.
Let us live our evenings to the fullest so we might be allowed to imagine that we are what you are—creatures of flesh and blood and rainbows. Give an answer for a mother to say when her child asks her, “Mother, where are we from?” We are the prisoners of yesterday. We make collages out of the Yellow Pages. We like to be pawns since we are not allowed to die just like our fathers who fought, died, and went forgotten in a truck, a grave, or a sandstorm.
Our children have no kites; for we have no wind to fly them, no money to buy them, and no sky. Our children take the road to the mosque and make their prayers. “Oh god, I do not want to take the same road again, not because I do not love you but because I want to take the road to school.” We will love life one day we will one day hope again without the fear of losing our nails.
We will take no portion of your ego, we will always bend our heads when we see you in the streets. We will buy hats if we need to, just so we might take them off when we see you, just so you feel secure in your self while your cars run, and our heads bend. Let us offer you three hats for every slap your policeman draws on a man’s face, and for every horror he puts in a teenage heart, or in a girl’s breast.
We are lonely but our loneliness does not bring us together. Our fathers shook off their tents. They hid their pride in their pockets. They pointed towards you and said, “Let us join our brothers; let us go home.” And when they arrived, they heard a word, and they opened their dictionaries under the letter “e” and read “enemy.” We waited, in the yellow bus, for our brothers to take us home. The bus was a candle. The bus melted under the sun. The sun died. And we made chairs out of our hope, we sat, and we waited.
Let us be whatever you want us to be—your trains, your music, your fleeting smiles, but just let us be. Let us have an answer for the question of life while you solve your question of God, let us be. Let us sing a love story and do not mock our thick accents for we do not have the luxury of your tongues; we have no tongues, no speech, no songs. We are waiting for our mothers to sow our youth and give us the song of salvation. We are waiting for the anti-hope pills that never work.
Make exceptions for us before we die. Let us have a day to build a house near the schools. Let us watch our children be happy and complain about their teachers. Let us see them burn with the fire of knowledge. Let us frame our losses and crucify them on the imaginary walls. Let the father see his dead son and sigh, “Now who is going to bury me?” Let us buy new chairs, let us have chairs first, let us have the choice to take off our hats for you, or not to take them off. Let us have shadows, ghosts, and more fears.
I do not hate you but I do not love you. I look at you and I know. I know that my heart is not like the size of your shoe. Pardon me, but I cannot lie. My whole existence is a lie and I, once and for all, blame my fathers for being lies. You do not allow me to wait, hope, or live and I do not allow you to make me lie. We are the statues on which you will build your birdhouses.

Published in Jadaliyya - 12/12/2011